1Department of Linguistics, Igbo and Other Nigerian Languages, University of Nigeria, Nsukka
2Department of Linguistics Studies, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria
DOI: 10.55559/sjahss.v2i05.103 | Received: 06.04.2023 | Accepted: 01.05.2023 | Published: 05.05.2023
ABSTRACT
The paper attempts a comparative structuralist analysis of two Igbo folktales. The primary aim of the research is to examine the adherence of Igbo folklore to linear structure of Propp’s structure of Russian folklore. In particular, it analyses the functions found in the two Igbo folktales selected for the study to find out if all the thirty-one functions proposed by Propp could be found in each of the folktales. It also makes a comparative analysis of the two tales. The study is premised on the Proppian model. Descriptive method is used in analysing the functions identified in the two Igbo folktales. The study’s discoveries indicate that both the Igbo folktales comply with Propp model’s sequential arrangement. It was also found in the study that thirty-one functions cannot be anticipated to transpire in a story since their occurrence relies on the story’s context. The study further identifies reward/punishment model as one of the striking structural pattern of Igbo folktale.
Keywords: Folktale, comparative, structuralist, functions and motifeme
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Electronic reference (Cite this article): Ugwuoke, E., & Onu, J. (2023). A Comparative Structuralist Analysis of Two Igbo folktales. Sprin Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(05), 31–44. https://doi.org/10.55559/sjahss.v2i05.103 Copyright Notice: © 2023 Author(s). This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), allowing third parties to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format and to remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially, provided the original work is properly cited and states its license. |
Introduction
Folktales are a classification of narrative tales that exist in all cultural. They have disseminated through spoken storytelling rather the scripted text and mirror cultural convictions, cultural heritage, customs and societal norms. Igbo folktale has been preserved for centuries as a component of longstanding folklore tradition representing Igbo humor, romance and sagacity. Earlier studies of Igbo folktales had focused on the narrative content or motifs but have left out the study of the structural patterns that make up the story lines in different type of tale.
The present study which centres on the comparative structuralist analysis of Igbo folktale is done with consideration of Vladimir Propp's analysis of Russian folklore in his book, “morphology of folktales”. Propp claims that all tales had an identical sequence of function or functional event and the same basic structure, despite their differences in the dramatic personae. A folk story is a story believed to have occurred and is primarily told for entertainment purposes, despite reflecting truth and imparting moral lessons. Folktales constitute a unique aspect of the Igbo cultural heritage, showing a diverse range of enduring wisdom and traditional values. Folktales serve as a medium through which the Igbo pass down their hopes, emotions and aspirations from one generation to the next.
Scholars have analyzed the structure, purpose, and content of folktales in their studies. Classification of folktales largely relies on the major criteria of form, function, and field, the narrative structure of a tale can be regarded as the form, its social purpose, the function, and its content as the field. Research on the tale studies indicates that the classification is primarily based on the narrative motifs or content of the stories such as animal tales, trickster tales, and phenomenon tales.
On the other hand, classifications of tales based on a structural analysis are not exempted from critical comments to begin with Propp’s (1958) ground-breaking morphological classification of Russian fairy tales. Propp’s examination simplifies folktales as a sequence of actions undertaken by the protagonist of each story, without considering narrative tone (an essential element of African oral literature) or external embellishments. Instead, it breaks down numerous Russian folktales into smaller, separate functions.
Plots in folktales are also seen as comprising elements pertaining to phrases, namely the beginning, the body (middle development) and the ending. Msimang (1986, p. 40) points out: conventionally, the beginning and ending are known as the exposition and resolution respectively, the middle sometimes refers to as the body. Exposition is one of the most important elements. It serves as the introductory part of the story. The narrator provides the audience with necessary background material. It is within this element that narrator discloses the information necessary for the basic understanding of characters and their relationship, so that one can be aware of the possible future conflict.
The body forms the larger part of the plot. It is in the body that events become complicated. The action which starts with an imbalance, progresses to the climax. The body is dissented by Canonici (1993, p.143) as “major section of the story in which the conflict situations develop up to its climax”. Conflict can be seen as two forces which are interrelated in the plot of the story. It may involve a collision of views, concepts or beliefs. Divergent standpoints about mutual interest, complicating ideologies may give rise to a clash between characters in a story.
The conflict becomes more intense and fiercer as tension progressively rises. During this stage, each event or action is a tributary towards the enlargement of the complication which culminates in the climax. Tension is generated when conflict intensifies. The listener become curious and wonders what is going to happen next, they become tenser when there is a continental strain and crises. The interest and attention of the audience is aroused in the exposition, and expectations should never be fulfilled until the climax.
Resolution can be viewed as the last element of the plot. The narrator unravels what has happened up to the climax. The length of the resolution depends on the events of the story. In the resolution, any disturbances or conflicts are resolved, loose ends are tied, and all issues are brought to a satisfactory conclusion. Occasionally, there may be reversal or moment of last suspense when the antagonist attempts to regain the upper hand, only to be unsuccessful.
In the present study, Igbo folktales will be investigated to find out whether such analysis does apply to Igbo folktales. Propp’s work has been the subject of criticism. For example, Dundes (1965), Grane (1977), Gilet (1999) and the binary opposition in myth by Strauss and Propp himself have in one way or the other criticized Propp’s work. The present study is intended to make a comparative structuralist analysis of two Igbo folktales with a view to identifying how Propp’s morphology of folktales works in Igbo narrative.
Literature review
Numerous studies have been conducted on folktales in Africa and beyond, exploring elements such as structure, function, form, and the introductory and concluding formulae of folktales. The study is mainly categorized under two approaches, the first one being the structuralist approach which is based on Propp’s (1958) theory, and the second approach is the descriptive approach as illustrated in Finnegan's (1970) work. In the present work, Propp’s morphological model will be used in the analysis of the two folktales.
Propp’s Theory
Vladimir Propp, a Russian structuralist and folklorist aimed to dissect tales into their constituent parts in his work, “Morphologhy of the Folktale”. Propp’s “Morphologhy of the Folktale” aimed to analyze folktakes by examining their individual components and their interrelationships within the story as a whole. Propp classifies the components of the tale into two groups, namely the variable and the invariable. In Propp’s classification, the variable components of a tale include the characters and dramatis personae, while the invariable components, which he calls functions, refer to unchanging actions within the tale, such as the role of a trickster. Propp (1958) observes that though the dramatic characters’ names may differ, the actions or functions they perform remain constant in a tale. For instance, the role of a trickster could be played by different animals such as a hare, tortoise, or lizard in different stories. (P.20). It can be inferred that a tale may assign the same actions to different characters.
The Functions within a tale are the structural units in Propp’s theory. In his study of 100 Russian folktales, Propp identified 31 functions although the functions do not all appears in a tale. The 31 functions are: (1) Absentation (2) Interdiction (3)Violation of interdiction (4) Reconnaissance (5) Delivery (6) Trickery (7) Complicity (8) Villainy or lack (9) Mediation (10) Beginning counter action (11) Departure (12) First function (13) hero’s reaction (14)Receipt of magical agent (15) Guidance (16) Struggle (17) Brandings (18) Victory (19) Liquidation (20) Return (21) Pursuit (22) Rescue (23) Unrecognized arrival (24) Unfounded claims (25) Difficult task (26) Solution (27) Recognition (28) Exposure (29) Transfiguration (30) Punishment and (31) Wedding.
Propp’s “Morphology of the folktale” centres on the narrative structure of folktales. He concentrates on the syntagmatic organization of folktales and refers to it as the morphology of folktale. He proceeds to say that functions must be defined according to their place in the course of narration. Furthermore, he raises the question of sequence; he rejects the notion of a free or accidental sequence and purposes that the sequence is fixed. Functions, therefore, are invariably constant and limited in number. Propp’s theory is relevant to the present study because it analyses the folktales according to type of actions performed by different characters in the tale.
Empirical studies
Haring’s (1972) research on Machako’s folktales in Kenya focuses on the analysis of the traditional narrative patterns through morphological study. Four Machako folktales, which include “Crocodile and Monkey”, “Mr. Little Hare, the Guinea Fowl”, “Limo and Yo”, and “Mr. Bear and Mr. Rabbit”, were gathered by him. His conclusion was that all the collected folktales fall within the well-known genre of trickster tales. In addition, he recognized six morphological components. The first element is similar to Popp’s initial situation. These six morphological elements in Machako’s folktales are: (1) False friendship (2) Contract (3) Violation (4) Trickery (5) Deception and (6) Escape. The morphological importance of false friendship as the initial situation derives from the fact that it gives the sequence to the appearance of the motifeme. A motifeme refers to an action exceuted by the characters in a folktale. Within the aforementioned morphological elements, false friendship serves a character, while contract, violation, and trickery constitute the conduct associated with false friendship. Harring also argues that Machako's folktales do exhibit the traditional sequences of the thirty-one elements called functions by Propp and motifemes by his follower Dundes (1965).
Furthermore, he says that the morphemic sequence is the irreducible expressive element of folk narrative.
Neethling (1979) in his study of Xhosa folktales using Propp's theory identifies about 30 out of 31 functions of Propp's morphology of folktale. The only function which he thought was lacking in Xhosa folktale is branding. The study is guided by Propp's and Dunde's models. The finding of the study reveals that Hare is the leading character and he is clearly cheated by tortoise. Themes such as love, greed, jealousy and hatred are directly and indirectly taught to the young, using the tales. Characters are classified into two clear categories: the successful and the unsuccessful tricksters. Propp & Dunde's theory is applied to the analysis if the plot structure of the tricksters tales and various functions such as contract, grand, discover, capture/triumph and gloat were found in the trickster tales. Tales with a less complex plot follow the sequential system of Propp's theory. The law of fixed order is maintained in Tswana folktales.
Mbah and Mbah (2007) in their analysis of the Igbo folktales using Propp's theory identified 22 functions in Obaraedo an Igbo folktale. All the identified functions in this folktale followed the chronological sequence outlined by Propp in his morphology of folktales.
Okudo (2012) carried out a study in Obaraedo, conformity to Proppian morphology. The finding of the study reveals that Obaraedo has some motifemes which are believably in line with the sequential occurrences of the Propp's morphology of folktales. The study identified up to seventeen morphemes that are functions and there were themes that are left out where the tales stop corresponding with the morphology of folktales. The functions identified in Obaraedo are not as many as the thirty-one functions but have the same chronology as the functions in Propp's model. By the conformity of Obaraedo tale to Proppian morphology, one can say that the theory is very useful in studying tales of the Igbo people of Nigeria. Twenty-one functions were identified by Okudo (2012) in Obaraedo as against the twenty-two functions identified by Mbah and Mbah (2007).
Song (2017) investigated the narrative structures in Korean folktales. The study compared the Korean and English versions of the folktales. The study comparatively analyses the narrative structure of the two versions of Korean and English folktale stories: the original Korean version and their English version rewritten by American writers. The analysis showed that the process of transcreating folktales to adapt to different cultural backgrounds involves a mofification of the narrative structure. Furthermore, the findings indicate that the story schematic and pattens of folktales differ across cultures, reflecting the cultural orientation of their respective audiences.
A comparative study of the Jaka Tarub(Indonesia) and Tanabate(Japan) folktales was conducted by Wandata and Negoro (2017). The objective of the study was to identify the cultural components and structural similarities and differences between the two-folk tales. In analyzing, the researchers employ three approaches, namely Greimas narratology structuralism approach, to analysing the story structure, cultural approach to analyse the cultural elements and comparative literature approach. The study’s findings showed that they were both commonalities and variations in terms of the cultural aspects and narrative structure of the two-folk tales. However, both JakaTarub and Tanabate did not influence each other as they represented their own characteristics which were descriptions of the society where they came from.
Summary of the Reviewed Literature
The related literature reviewed shows that structuralism is a critical theory by which we can use to analyse folktales. However, most of the works reviewed so far concentrated on the analysis of folktales in other African countries with regard to trick, trickster character and characteristics of folktales and very little has been contributed with regard to the structure of Igbo folktales for example, Mbah and Mbah (2007) and Okudo (2012). The present work intended to take these earlier works further by comparing structurally two Igbo folktales because it is evident from the available literature that the analysis of Igbo folktales using Propp's model requires more exploration. That is why this investigation is necessary.
Data Presentation and Analysis
This section presents two Igbo folktales and analyses their functions in comparison with the sequence of the thirty-one functions of Propp as to show their degree of conformity.
FOLKTALE 1: Obiadi
Otu nwoke na nwunye ya mụtara ụmụ asaa. Nke bụ obere nwa n'ime ha ka a na-akpọ Obiadị. Nne na nna Obiadị na umunne ya dum hụrụ ya n'anya nke ukwuu n'ihi na ọ mara mma nke ukwuu. N'ihi ya ha zụtara ya otu ọja. Ọja ahụ mere ka obi na-adị ya ụtọ mgbe niile. Ebe ọ bụla ị hụrụ Obiadị, ihu ọja n’ọnụ ya. Mmadụ niile were ọja ahụ mara ya nke n’ otu ụbọchị o soro ndị mụrụ ya na umunne ya gaa ọrụ n'ubi o chefuru ọja ahụ mgbe ha na-ala.
Mgbe o chetara ọja a ka ha laruru ụlọ n'etiti ehihie, o wutere ya nke ukwuu, o wee malite ikwa akwa sị na ya ga-alaghachi azụ n'ubi ịcho ya. Ma mgbe o kwuru nke a nne ya na nna ya na ụmụnne ya malitere riọwa ya ka ọ hapụ ịga n'ubi n'etiti ehihie ahụ n'ihi na ndi mmụọ na-anọ n'ụzọ n'etiiti ehihie ọ bụla, na ha ga-elokwa nwata ọ bụla ha hụrụ n'ụzọ. Ha kwekwara ya nkwa ịzụtara ya ọja ọzọ ga-amaka nke mbụ ahụ na mma mana geghi ha ntị, kama ọ nọdụrụ ala n'otu akụkụ na-akwa akwa, jụkwa iri nri ehihie nke ya. Ka nne ya na nna ya na ụmụnne ya nọ na-eri nri ehihie nke ha, ọ dịghị onye maara mgbe Obiadị jiri zopu were ọsọ gawa n'ubi ahụ ịcho ọja ya.
N'etiti ụzọ ọ malitere izu ndị mmụọ dị ichie ichie. Mgbe nke mbụ ọ zutere bu naani otu isi hụrụ ya, ọ kwụsịrị ya jụọ ya ajụjụ si, nwa ntakịrị adịghị atụ egwu, olee ebe ị na-aga? Obiadị wee kọwaara ya na ya na-aga ịchọ ọja ya chefuru mgbe ha gara ọrụ n'ubi n' ụtụtụ, ma o geghi ntị n'ihe ọ na-agwa ya. Mgbe o na-achọzị ilo ya, oke egwu malitere ịtụ Obiadị, o wee malite ịbụ abụ a wee rịọ ya si:
Nwa mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Nwa mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Na nne m sịkwara m ejela
Na nna m sịkwara m ejela
Ụmụnne m sịkwara m ejela
Na mmụọ nochiri n'onu uzo
Mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Mgbe o kwusiri ihe ndị a, ebere ya mere mmụọ ahụ nke ukwuu, o wee hapụ ya. N'oge na-adịghị anya o zutekwara mmụọ nke isi abụọ. Tupu nke ahụ ajụọ ya ihe ọ bụla ọ malitere ịbụkwara ya abụ. Ka ọ bụchara mmụọ nke a mekwara ya ebere, hapụkwa o gafere. Ka o na-agakwa o zutere mmụọ isi atọ dị n' ụdị agadị nwanyi. Mgbe o juru ya sị ya: "Nwa m, olee ebe ị na-aga? O malitere ịbụ abụ.
Agadị nwaanyị, mmụọ ahụ wee lee ya anya sị ya, o o nwa m ebe ọ bu na ịchọghi ịnụ ihe ndị mụrụ gị gwara gị, gawa na gị bụ ekweghi ekwe ga-ekwe n'ute ekwere. Nke a mere ka egwu tụọ ya nke ukwuu ma mgbe ahụ ọ mazịghị ihe o ga-eme. Jewe ejewe ekweghi ya, ma lawa alawa ekwekwaghi ya. O wee guzo n'ebe ahu nwa oge na-eche ihe ya na uwa ga-eme. N'ikpeazụ, o tachite obi gawa ịchọ ọja ya. Ka o na-aga o zutere mmụọ isi anọ, na nke bụ isi ise na nke bu isi isii riọkwa ha otu o siri rịọ ndị mmụọ atọ ọ buru ụzo zute, ha mekwaara ya ebere, hapụkwa ya, o wee na-aga n'ihu ya wee hụọ mmụọ nke isi asaa jogburu onwe ya, nke agwo ojiri asaa no n'isi asaa ya, na nke anwụrụ ọkụ na-apu n'ahụ ya dum. Mgbe Obiadị hụrụ ya, ahụ malitere ima ya jijiji, o wee na-ariọ ya sị:
Nwa mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Nwa mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Na nne m sịkwara m ejela
Na nna m sịkwara m ejela
Umunne m sịkwara m ejela
Mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Mmụọ biko .... Meere m ebere
Ka ọ na-abụ abụ a, ajọ mmụọ ahụ wepuru ihu ya. O geghikwa ntị n'ihe ọ na-agwa ya. Mgbe ọ bụsiara, o sịrị ya, nwa m, ori anụ o na-eri anu awo? Ebe ọ bụ na gị bụ nwata sawara ụsa wee rie ogwumagala ogwumagala ga -afo gi n'olu ugbu a, n'ihi na a siri na ọ bụ ihụchata ụzọ ka mgbọ ji atụ enwe n'isi. Mgbe o kwusiri ihe ndị a, ọ buru Obiadị loo n'afọ ya.
Mgbe nne na nna Obiadị na ụmụnne ya risiri nri ehihie lee anya Obiadị n'ebe ọ norịị akwa akwa ma ha ahụghi ya, ha zipura nke tọrọ ya ka o gaa n' ụzọ gara n'ubi choo Obiadị. Mgbe o rutere n'uzo ahụ zute ajọ mmụọ ahụ, o lokwara ya. E mesia ha zipukwa nke atọ ka o gaa chọọ Obiadị na nwanne ya ma mgbe o rutere ebe ahụ, ajo mmuo ahu lokwara ya. Nne na nna ha wee na-ezipukwa ụmụ ha ndi fọdụrụ n'otu n’otu ka ha gaa chọọ ụmụnne ha na-efu efu wee ruo mgbe ajọ mmụọ ahụ losiri ha asaa. Mgbe nne na ha cheere ụmụ ha ma ha alọtaghi o kwara akwa gara ichọ ụmụ ya.
Mgbe o zutere ajọ mmụọ ahụ o lokwara ya n'afọ ya. N'abalị mgbe nna ga ahụghizi nwunye ya na ụmụ ya iwe were ya nke ukwuu. O wee were mma o ji ete nkwụ na-aghọ nkọ karia agbụba e ji akpụ isi zoro ije n'ike gawa ịcho ha. Mgbe ajọ mmụọ ahụ lokwara ya na mma nkwu ya, ọ nọrọ n'ime afọ ya were mma ahụ gbawaa ya afọ. Mmụọ a dara gwodoo ka osisi ụkwa kpọrọ nkụ, ya na nwunye ya na ụmụ ya isii pụtara, ma Obiadị apụtaghi n'ihi na ọ nwụọlarị n'ime afọ ya. Ha wee buputa ozu ya, buru ya laa n' ụlọ ha. Mgbe e lisiara ozu Obiadị, ọtụtụ mmadụ biara na-ekele nna ha n'ike ọ kpara, na-ekwutokwa Obiadị jiri isi ike ya wee gbu onwe ya, wetakwara ndi mụrụ ya oke ahụhụ.
Ihe Mmuta
Akụkọ a na-egosi okwukwe ndị Igbo nwere na ọ dịghị mma ka nwata na-enupuru ndị mụrụ ya na ndị okenye isi. N'echiche ndi Igbo, o kwesiri ka nwata na-eme e kwute ekwe, wee ruo mgbe o topụtara mmadu. Na mgbe ochie anyị nụrụ na a dịghị acho nwata na-eme isi ike mgbe aka kpara ya.
English Translation of Folktale 1
Once upon a time, there lived a husband and a wife who had seven children. The last child was called Obiadị. The parents and his siblings so loved Obiadị because he were very handsome. They bought Obiadị a flute to keep him happy all the time. The flute keeps Obiadị happy and each time one sees Obiadị, the flute was always in his mouth. Obiadị is known for blowing this flute. One day he went to farm with his parents and brothers, but he forgot his flute at the farm.
When they reached home in the afternoon, he remembered that he has forgotten his flute at the farm. He now decided to go back to the farm that afternoon to collect the flute but his parents advised him to stay back because evil spirits are hovering along that road that leads to the farm in the afternoon. Thereafter the parent invited him to come and take his lunch but he refused and went to one corner of the compound and started crying. As his parents and other six children were eating, Obiadị sneaked away and went to the farm to collect his forgotten flute. On his way he met a spirit with one head who interrogated him on where he was going. When the first spirit he met wanted to swallow him, he sang a song for the spirit and the spirit had mercy on him and left Obiadị to continue his journey. The song reads:
The spirits please have mercy on me
The spirits please have mercy on me
My mother told me not to go
My father told me not to go
My brothers told me not to go
Spirits please have mercy on me
Spirits please have mercy on me.
After he had sung the song, the spirit had mercy on him. But instead of going back, Obiadị foolishly continued his journey to the farm. On his way to the farm, he met other spirits with two heads, three heads to the one with six heads. Obiadị pleaded with each of the spirits to have mercy on him by singing the song he sang to the first spirit he met on the way and they all released Obiadị. On meeting the seventh spirit with seven heads and a pot of fire on his head, Obiadị got frightened but it was too late for him to go back home. Obiadị explained to the fearful spirit with seven heads that he was going to the farm to collect his flute that he forgets there but the fearful spirit didn’t listen to him. When this last spirit wanted to swallow Obiadị, he sang the same song he has been singing to the previous spirits he met on the way. As Obiadị was singing, the evil spirit took his eyes away from Obiadị. At last, the evil spirit swallowed Obiadị.
When Obiadị’s parents and brothers could not find Obiadị where he sat crying when they were eating, they started looking for him. The second to the last child was sent to go and look for Obiadị. On his way to the farm, he was swallowed by the same evil spirit that swallowed Obiadị. The third, fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh children were sent to look for Obiadị but they all ended being swallowed by the evil spirit. At the end, the mother of those seven children went out to look for her children and was equally swallowed by the spirit. In the night, the father of the seven children sharpened his wine tapping knife very well and went to look for his wife and children too and was eventually swallowed by the same evil spirit. Inside the belly of the evil spirit, he saw his wife and seven children. He then used his sharpened knife to cut an opening the evil spirit belly and the evil fell down and died. Then Obiadị’s father, his wife and the other six children who were still alive came out from the spirit belly. Obiadị was already dead and so they brought out his body, took it home and buried him. Later many people came to visit Obiadị’s father to congratulate him for his bravery lesson from the folktales. This folktale serves as a warning to all those children who do not take their parent advice or the advice of elders around them. In Igbo cultural value, children are expected to heed the advice of their parents and follow their footsteps until they grow up.
Analysis of Text one; “Obiadị” using Proppian Model.
Initial Situation There lived a husband and wife that had seven male children. The last was called Obiadị and was very handsome.
Absentation 2: Obiadị went back to the farm to collect his flute contrary to the parents and brother’s advice.
Punishment: Obiadị died because of his stubbornness and members of his community condemned his inability to heed his parents and brother’s advice which eventually cost him his life. He was devoured by the fearful spirit and subsequently died.
In Obiadi’s tale, the following eleven functions of propp’s model are identified: Absentation, interdiction, violation, and complicity, meditation beginning of counter actions struggle, victory, misfortune return, punishment and recognition.
FOLKTALE II; Nneka and her mother in-law
N’otu obodo o nwere otu nwaanyị ya na nne di ya bi n’ otu ụlọ. Nne di ya kpọrọ ya na nwayaa sị. Nneka bụ nwa mgbenye. Nke a mere ka ihe na-esiri Nneka na nwa ya ike. Di Nneka gara ahia n’obodo dị anya. Nneka duru nwa o du ka o ghara imetu ihe ọ bụla bụ nke nne dị ya aka. Mgbe Nneka gara ahia izụta ihe ha ga-eri nwa ya na ndị ọgbọ ya biara na be ha gara kuru miri n’ihi na o nweghi mmiri di n’ite Nneka.
Ihe a were nne di Nneka oke iwe o wee tie nwa Nneka ihe n’ebe odi ukwuu. Mgbe Nneka nụrụ mkpu akwa nwaya oge ọ na-alọta, o jiri ọsọsọ were bata n’ ụlọ imata ihe mere nwa ya ji ebe ụdị akwa dị otu a. Ọ chọputara na obu nne di ya tiri nwaya ihe ahụ n’ ihi na ọ nụrụ mmiri di n’ ite ya. Nne di Nneka tara Nneka uta n’ ihi na ọ zụghi nwa ya nke ọma nke mere na ọ gara n’ ite ya ga akuru mmiri ọnunụ ma kunyekwa ndi enyi ya. Ọ gwakwara Nneka ka ọ mee ngwa ngwa ga akughechitere ya mmiri ahụ n’egbughi oge obula.
Nneka rịọrọ nne di ya ka ya kughie chiriya mmiri ahụ n’ụtụtụechi ya makana ụbọchị ahụ bụ ụbọchị ndi obodo ha anaghi agan’ iyi di ebe ahu ikute mmiri. Eke bụ ụbọchị ndị mmụọ na-agaghari n’ụzọ ahia ahụ. Nne di Nneka anabataghị arịrịọ a ma ọlị. Nke a mere ka Nneka gaba ikute mmiri ụbọchị ahụ na-agbanyeghi nsogbu chere ya n’ihu.
Mgbe Nneka na-aga n’iyi ahu o zutere otu mmuo nke chọrọ ikọ Nneka ọgwụ ma Nneka gbuooro ikpere ya n'ala kọsara mmụọ ihe mere ya ji aga ikute mmiri n’iyi na
ụbọchi Eke. Mgbe mmụọ ahụ hụrụ nsọpụrụ na nkwanyere ugwu Nneka nyere ya, ọ hapụ ya ka ọ gawa njem ya, ka Nneka na-aga o zutere mmụọ nna ya nwụrụ anwụ kenyere ya otu ọgwụ o ji achụsa ndi mmụọ no n’ ụzọ iyi ahụ mmụọ nna Nneka gwakwara ya ka o tinye ụfọdụ ọgwụ ahu o nyere ya n’ime iyi ahụ mgbe o ruru .
Mgbe Nneka ruru n’iyi ahụ ọ hụrụ eze mmụọ iyi ahụ. Eze mmụọ iyi ahụ were oke iwe mgbe ọ hụrụ Nneka na agbanyeghi na Nneka kọwara ihe mere ya jiri biawa iku mmiri n’iyi ahụ ụbọchị Eke . Ọ kụrụ Nneka ọgwụ o wee kpuo isi. Mgbe Nneka chetara ọgwụ ahu mmụọ nna ya nyere ya mgbe ọ na-aga n’iyi ahụ, Nneka were ghanye ọgwụ ahụ n' ime iyi ahụ. Mgbe Nneka mere nke a eze iyi mmụọ ahụ bere akwa arịrị were gbafụọ. Ugbu a, Nneka bidoro hụwakwa ụzọ ọzọ ma kuru mmịrị ọ chọgara n'iyi ma jiri anụrị lọta na be ya.
Nlota Nneka n'udo gbagwojuru nne di ya anya n'ihi na ọ tụghị anya na Nneka ga-eji ndu ya lọta si n'iyi ahu. Nne di Nneka gara kọọrọ onyeisi ala na Nneka na-ata amụsụ. O were gaa hu Eze Iyi mmụọ ma lọta na ndụ. O gwakwara onyeisi ala na ọ bụ amụsu Nneka na-ata mere O jiri were gaa hu Eze Iyi mmụọ ma lọta na ndụ. O gwakwara onyeisi ala na Nneka ga-anu iyi ma ọ bụrụ na o si na ya anaghi ata amụsu iji gosi na aka ya dị ịcha. Nneka mechara nụọ iyi n'ihu arụsị obodo ahụ. N' ụtụtụ echi ya Nneka nụchara iyi ndi mmadụ gara ma hụ na Nneka ka di ndụ ebe ọnọ n' ihụ arụsị ahụ ha wee mata na aka Nneka dị ọcha. Nke a nyere ọtụtụ mmadụ obi anụrụ. Ugbu a ajọ omume nne di ya agbarala onwe ya n'anwu ihere were ju nne di ya n'ihu. Nne di Nneka nwụrụ n' ihụ arụsị a na-egbughi oge ọ bụla. Mmadu niile gbakotara ebe ahụ kelere Nneka maka ndụ ọma ya.
Ihe Mmuta: Ehi na-enweghi ọdụdụ na chi ya na-achụrụ ya ijiji. Ezi omume amaka.
English Translation of Folktale 2. Nneka
In a certain town, a young girl named Nneka who married a young farmer lived together with her mother in-law who hates her and her child and makes everything difficult for her. She is an orphan. Nneka's husband travelled for business transaction in another town. When Nneka was going to the market to buy food items, she instructed her son not to touch anything that belongs to her mother in-law.
Immediately Nneka left to the market, the son's friends visited him and they played as usual. After playing with his age mates, they were thirsty and seeing no water in her mother's house, he decided to take from the grandmother's pot and also gave to his age mates. The grandmother was very angry and beat the child mercilessly. Nneka heard her child scream and rushed to know the cause. Nneka's mother in-law blames her for not training her child well and told her to replace the water immediately since she wants to cook.
Nneka pleaded with her to manage the one remaining and promised to fill the pot and even other pots for her the next day, but she refused. Nneka resolved to go to the steam to fetch water for her mother in-law at all costs to as her mother in-law threatens to throw them out of the house.
Nneka went on her mission to replace the water on Eke day that is bound by humans to visit because the spirits do gather around the bush leading to the stream and around the stream itself. There Nneka met a spirit who wanted to cast spell on her, she bowed immediately and humbly stated her issues with her mother inlaw and she ended up coming to the river.
The spirit seeing her humility and having pitied the small child in pain, allowed her to continue her journey. On her way, she met her father's spirit who confined with her and gave her some charm to ward off other spirits, and to throw some into the river when she reached there. With the help of the charm, Nneka reached the stream. The goddess of the stream was angry and cast a spell on her, when Nneka had narrated her ordeal to her. Nneka in her blindness remembered the father's charm and threw it with her last strength into the river and the river goddess cried in pain and vanished. Nneka regained her sight and fetched the water happily.
She returned and gave the water to her mother in-law and told her how she saw the goddess of the river in reality and how she defeated her (the goddess of the river). Nneka's mother in-law was jealous and scared too. She reported to the king that Nneka is a witch since she came out alive after meeting the river goddess. Nneka was cast into the evil forest for two days. She survived in the evil forest. Her father's spirit saved her. Nneka returned to the village unharmed and healthy to everyone’s disbelief. Her mother in-law claims that Nneka has used her witch power to survive, that she should swear to their oracle for her to prove her innocence. Consequently, Nneka swore before the oracle and her hair was shaved and was mandated to kneel in front of the shrine for a night, to get ready for the oath swearing the next day. Everyone gathered the next morning and saw Nneka in front of the shrine alive. The oracle was brought and Nneka swore and nothing happened to her. Everyone was happy and satisfied that Nneka was innocent. Her mother in-law's evil deeds were exposed and she covered her face in shame. Her 'mother in-law was stricken with instant death by the oracle and everyone present congratulated Nneka for proving her innocence.
From the folktales we could see that culture prohibits people from fetching water from the said river on Eke day. Among all the lifeless substances and things that appear in African folklore, water is the most symbolically significant. Water is generally acknowledged as a symbol of renewal and purification, the genesis of life. The cleansing and purifying qualities attributed to water apply not only to physical impurities but also to spiritual impurities that may result from violation of taboos. In the folktale, "Nneka and her mother in-law, Nneka's mother in-law instructed her to go and fetch water from a river forbidden by human being on Eke day out of jealousy and hatred. Nneka was able to draw water from the river on that Eke day at a great risk because spirits killed those who violate this custom. Nonetheless, upon hearing Nneka’s grievances, the river spirit relented and set her free, astonishing her mother – in-law who had wished for Nneka’s demise. One could infer that Nneka’s miraculous survival suggests that goodness will inevitably prevail over wickedness. This shows the society that it is unjust to punish someone when the cause is genuine.
Analysis of Function in Tale 2
Nneka and her mother -in-law.
Initial Situation: Nneka a young girl got married to a young farmer and they were blessed with a child. She was living with her mother-in-law who despised her and makes everything difficult for her, unknown to her son.
LESSON DERIVED FROM THE TALE:
The tale teaches us that good must ultimately triumph over evil. It also shows that it is unjust to punish someone when the cause is genuine.
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE TWO FOLKTALES
When comparing the progression of the storyline, from introduction to conflict to climax, in the analyzed folktales, it is noteworthy that both tales utilize Propp’s narrative structural format identically. The motivation to aacomplish the objective has propelled the narrative in both folk tales. The roles identified in the two folktales heighten clashes and generate apprehension and excitement. The audience or readers are able to identify and empathize with the protagonist as a result of these functions. The presence of tension and suspense in a story creates a captivating sense of curiosity in the audience or reader, making them eager to uncover the tale’s finale, thus ensuring their sustained interest in the narrative.
SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE TALES: “Obaidị” and Nneka and her mother-in-law.
In tale 1, ‘Obiadị,’ the following functions were identified: Absentation, interdiction, violation, complicity, mediation, beginning of counteraction, struggle, victory, misfortune, return punishment and recognition. The functions that are absent in tale 1 include: reconnaissance, delivery, receipt of magical agent, branding, return, pursuit, unrecognized arrival, unfounded claims, difficult task, testing exposure, and wedding, trickery, solution, transfiguration, guidance.
In tale 2, “Nneka and her mother-in-law”, the following functions were identified: Absentation, interdiction, violation, villainy/lack, medication, counteraction, departure, testing reaction, acquisition of magical agent, guidance, struggle, victory, resolution, return, pursuit, rescue, arrival, claim task, solution, recognition, exposure, punishment and unidentified elements.
Both tales are in line with the sequential occurrences of the morphology though the functions identified in the two tales are not as many as 31 functions. In both tales, the initial situation, departure, interdiction, violation, medication, counteraction, victory, punishment, misfortune liquidated, return and recognition were present. In both tales, there was instruction. Obiadị's father, mother and siblings instructed Obiadị not to go back to the farm to look for his flute because spirits used to move around along the road leading to the farm. In the same way, Nneka instructed her child not to touch anything that belongs to her mother-in-law. In both case of tale 1, Obiadị died because he refused to obey his parent. Thus, Obiadị died out of his stubbornness but in tale of Nneka and her mother-in-law, Nneka’s mother- in-law died because of her jealousy. There was no trickery in both folktales.
DIFFERENCES IN FUNCTIONS IN THE TWO FOLKTALES
In Folktale 1, it was Obaidi who violated the instruction given to him and he died at the end as punishment while in Folktale 2, Nneka’s mother-in-law died due to her jealousy instead of Nneka’s child who violated her mother’s instruction not to touch anything that belongs to her mother-in-law. Another noticeable difference is the number of functions that appeared in each folktale. In folktale 1, twelve functions were identified while in folktale 2, twenty-five functions were identified. This shows that all the tales do not contain the same number of functions. Nneka used humility and respect to overcome all the obstacles she faced in the process of collecting water from the stream on Eke day which was prohibited for humans for mother-in-law while Obiadi in folktale 1, was punished due to his disobedience.
In tale 2, the following functions: testing, reaction, acquitting of magical agent, pursuit, rescue, arrival, claim, task, exposure and unidentified elements were identified in tale 1. All the functions identified in tale 1, are present in tale 2.
FINDINGS OF THE STUDY
The study’s findings suggest that (i) lgbo folktales follow the first sequence of Propp's morphology. In Folktale 1, twelve functions were identified while in Folktale 2, twenty-five functions were identified showing that all tales do not contain the same number of functions. The functions in any story are constrained, and the sequence of these functions remains unaltered. None of the two tales have all the functions.
The results of the study indicate that (iii) one of the striking structural patterns of Igbo folktale is that of reward/punishment model. The good is also rewarded while the wicked is punished. Propp’s belief that folktales adhere to a fixed series of character functions is reflected in the genre’s storytelling. To explain the cause -and -effect relationships that are essential to a narrative, story actions are declineated by pre- and post- conditions that describe the state of the plot. The spirit with seven heads could not pardon Obiadi against his disobedience to his parents to judgement and gave him the appropriate punishment while in the case of Nneka and her mother in-law, the ill treatment for Nneka was reserved and her mother in-law died as a result of jealousy.
CONCLUSION:
The discussion made in this paper has shown that folktale of Obiadị and Nneka and her mother-in-law follows the Propp’s” Morphology of folktale”. Applying the Proppian morphology to folktales of “Obiadị” and “Nneka” and her mother in-law reaffirms the usefulness of the theory in analyzing the stories of the Igbo people. This is imperative for both validating the relevancr of Propp’s morphology and advancing the examination of Igbo folklore.
It can be inferred that Nneka’s survival in the face of peril demonstrates the notion that good will eventually prevail over evil. This shows the society that it is unjust to punish when the cause is genuine. In Obiadị’s tale, it could be concluded that disobedience is bad and that children should follow the advice of their parents and elders until they are mature to act on their own.
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