Immigrational Exclusion in the West and Exile Culture in Africa: Exploring Parallels and Biopower Dynamics

This study shows how political and ethnic elites employ their power to impose societal standards through exclusion practices like deportation and exile culture. The research also serves as a further illustration of Foucault's concept of bio-power being manifested. In this study, social exclusion from indigenous African societies and contemporary Western nations is investigated from a historical, social, and cultural standpoint. The study is built around Michael Foucault’s concept of biopower


INTRODUCTION
o regulate immigration, deportation has become increasingly popular as an exclusionary practice in Western countries like the United States of America and the United Kingdom, among others (Anderson et al., 2011).This study examines the cultural factors, historical background, and sociopolitical dynamics of expulsions in modern nation-states today, illuminating causes including the demonstration of political power.The research compares the eroding culture of exile in Africa to contemporary deportation and considers whether indigenous African groups experienced comparable conditions during their historical exile practices.To understand the justifications for exiles in the past and, more specifically, for deportations in the present, it is essential to examine the historical background.Many individuals have migrated to the United States and the United Kingdom in search of a better life and a safer environment.Nevertheless, as time has passed and administrations have changed, immigration policies have turned into instruments of dominance consolidation.
There are several factors forcing people to vacate their homes and integrate into new cultures in different parts of the world.Hollifield and Foley (2022) mention that political turmoil, wars, economic injustice, the destruction of the environment, and societal problems are some of these factors.Benson and O'Reilly (2009) assert that people tend to seek a better standard of living and work opportunities when there are economic inequalities both within and between countries, and Essien (2024) supports that this is particular in countries with legislation that favors more fair income distribution, cooperative company structures, and protections for workers.Another reason that results in people being forced to leave is environmental degradation.These comprise events like natural disasters and droughts which result from global warming.Also, many people travel to certain countries to escape social chaos, discrimination, and persecution owing to their race, religion, or political ideas.

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The scope of migrations and global exile's impact is widespread, impacting not only the migrants' host communities but also the migrants themselves.Kirmayer et al. (2011) point out that migrants often face many barriers in their new societies, such as a language barrier, difficulties in adapting to new cultures, and services that are out of reach.Psychological and social effects of the prejudice, exploitation, and marginalization to which they are frequently victims can be dreadful.Moreover, exporting human capital with the departure of people from their country of birth freezes progress and creates economic disparities (Connell et al., 2007).Although migration introduces new ideas and perspectives to civilizations, it also assists receiving nations financially (Morris et al., 2009).A holistic and collaborative approach is needed to deal with migration-induced and global displacement issues, these, which are parts of the causative factors to stringent and unfavorable immigration policy.

BACKGROUND
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was the initial federal law in the US that imposed restrictions on immigration based on nationality (Chen, 2015).The implementation of this provision was driven by concerns over immigration and competition among businesses.It is possible that this measure might potentially serve as a prototype for future legislation of a similar nature.Similarly, the 1971 Immigration Act in the UK established the foundation for more stringent regulations in reaction to immigration from Commonwealth nations after decolonization (Favell, 2022).Modern exclusionary practices are being impacted by cultural factors as well (Drotbohm & Hasselberg, 2015).Several Western nations tend to have challenges in safeguarding their cultural heritage and national identity, leading to the emergence of anti-immigrant sentiments (Colombo, 2016).Political actors garner support and consolidate their power by appealing to fears of change and claiming to safeguard the status quo from outside influences.Papademetriou et al. (2021) state that nativism and the "America First" movement have had a substantial influence on American immigration policy.Individuals who saw a sense of danger due to changing population characteristics and the rise in global commerce discovered a shared perspective with Trump and other political leaders who expressed similar apprehensions (Medini, 2019).The prevailing socio-political environment, marked by concerns over the economy and prevailing cultural trends, has led certain individuals to rationalize the act of deportations as a means of safeguarding the "American identity."Anderson et al. (2011) argues that a significant factor driving current deportations is the pursuit of political influence.Political actors leverage their public image as staunch advocates of stringent immigration policies to appeal to specific segments of the electorate.Deportations are sometimes presented as a tangible demonstration of political action, serving to address public anxieties around national security and competition for jobs.
The United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has considerable jurisdiction and financial resources.Conservatives see political actors' commitment to law and order through their justification of expanding ICE's jurisdiction on the grounds of national security.Immigration enforcement has been politicized, resulting in a rise in deportations, mostly targeting individuals with low incomes (Montange, 2022).The UK's "hostile environment" strategy, implemented by Prime Minister Theresa May, aimed to create challenging circumstances for illegal immigrants (Tyler, 2018).The Windrush affair, wherein several individuals with lawful residency rights in the United Kingdom were erroneously apprehended and expelled, was an inevitable byproduct of this policy.
In 2012, the US implemented the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, which provided temporary relief to individuals who were brought to the country as children without legal papers.The Trump administration faced significant opposition while attempting to eliminate the scheme (Medini, 2019).This illustrates the influence that influential political actors may have on deportation policies and the treatment of vulnerable communities.According to the US Department of Homeland Security (2023), most deportations in 2019 were a result of violations of immigration rules, and the number of deportations exceeded 385,000 throughout that year.In 2019, over 12,000 individuals, primarily from the European Union, were deported from the United Kingdom (Gov.UK, 2023) following the Brexit referendum, and this demonstrates the extensive prevalence of deportations and the political rationale behind them.
However, for several indigenous African tribes, exile served as a method of both punishment and social regulation.African tribes highly valued the preservation of social order and communal harmony (Murithi, 2006).The prevailing consensus among the populace was that exiling those who caused disturbances was the most effective approach to address their behavior.The Ashanti people in Ghana considered exile to be a significant life choice due to their profound belief in ancestor spirits and the interconnectedness between the living and the deceased.They expelled those whom they believed to be possessed or had committed significant offences to preserve the community's spiritual integrity.Awolalu (1976) asserts that African tribes placed great importance on rites centered around purification.Being expelled often acted as a catalyst for spiritual transformation for many individuals.Yoruba tribe members suspected of engaging in witchcraft or forbidden rites were banished as a means of purifying themselves and their society.The objective of this culture was to restore spiritual equilibrium and tranquility to the kingdom.
African tribes employed exile as a strategic measure to maintain political stability within their regimes.Exile was a frequently employed strategy to suppress dissent or those who dared to challenge the existing power structure of a country (Cheeseman, 2011).For instance, the dominant elite of the Hausa tribe would promptly expel anyone whom they deemed as posing a risk to their authority.Through their participation in this exercise, these leaders were able to solidify their control and influence over the tribe and its matters.According to Igbo and Ugwuoke (2013), banishment was sometimes used as a means to protect and uphold societal norms and values.Igbo and Ugwuoke (2013) adds that the Igbo tribe employed ostracism (osu)as the customary reaction against any member whose conduct was deemed disruptive or immoral.This method not only enhanced the tribe's unity but also deterred individuals from deviating from established customs.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Foucault's 1976 concept of bio-power is an adaptable framework for a comprehensive understanding of the complexities of political power in African exile cultures and Western deportation procedures.According to Nail (2016), biopower points to the governmental techniques employed to manage and oversee individuals' conduct.It entails overseeing not just an individual's well-being but also their social and political environment (Genel, 2006).Tribal leaders who practice exile cultures exert bio-power by imposing sanctions on those who fail to adhere to the tribe's norms.The punitive action of exile served to reinforce both social order and the authority of tribal rulers.The present state of deportation procedures also serves as a demonstration of the exercise of biopower as countries seek to regulate persons within their borders.Deportation and exile are fundamentally different.Exile is the punitive measure enforced on those who violate societal norms and practices, frequently within their own society.In contrast, deportation refers to the legal procedure of expelling unauthorized immigrants from the country.Nevertheless, in some cases, wanderers may also be subjected to this penalty.These instances of exclusion illustrate how political and ethnic elites employ their power to impose societal standards.This might perhaps serve as an illustration of Foucault's concept of bio-power being manifested.
The operation of bio-power relies on a complex system of institutions and technical progress that governs and oversees human conduct (Nail, 2016).The modern deportation procedure employs monitoring technology, immigration agencies, and detention facilities to identify and expel individuals.Nevertheless, ancient cultures that exiled individuals depended on the collective power of the entire tribe to implement the act of banishment.Both the culture of exile and contemporary deportation programs extensively utilize bio-power, which is closely intertwined with the mechanisms of political authority.Exile was a common tactic employed by ancient tribal rulers to uphold their control over society and strengthen their power (Igbo & Ugwuoke, 2013).The political objectives of governments, such as public appeasement, border control, and maintaining authority, can influence the strategies employed for deportation.

RESEARCH METHOD
This study employs discourse analysis as a methodology with emphasis on the Foucauldian discourse analysis, which is a form of discourse analysis that focuses on power relationships in society as expressed through language and practices and based on the theories of Michel Foucault (Arribas-Ayllon & Walkerdine, 2008).This method provides the conceptual framework for the study to consider selected native African tribes in a bid to discuss how power plays into the policies and decisions that surrounded the verdict of exile and similar methods of expulsion.More so, the study significantly covers the Western nations, particularly the United States of America and the United Kingdom, in a bid to portray how power tends to come into play in the execution of deportation.To broaden the scope of the study, the research discourse includes the discussion of two Nollywood films.The study incorporates the examination of African exile traditions and contemporary deportation from the Nollywood perspective to provide a deeper understanding of the implementation of this exclusion practice and culture.

Exile; a Part of the Whole in Hausaland
Hausaland, often known as the Hausa Kingdom, was a collection of sovereign city-states located in North Central Africa, between the Niger River and Lake Chad.It reached its peak between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries.The origins of the Hausa are unknown; however, Haour and Rossi (2010) suggest that they were a collection of native people united by a common tongue.Trade for salt, precious metals, leather products, and slaves across areas led to the growth of cities.Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, several city-state kings and nobles converted to Islam.However, their adoption of Islam cost them part of their independence in the early 1800s.
Usman dan Fodio, a Muslim Fulani leader, launched a holy war during this period and took control of the region (Nmah & Amanambu, 2017).Usman sought to develop a more genuine form of Islam in the Hausa states, where he perceived a divergence from the fundamental precepts of the religion.He started the Fulani Jihad in 1804, and this was a military undertaking meant to restructure the region and establish an Islamic state (Abar, 2019).The guerilla war led to a stricter Islam approach, which restricted the religious freedom of the Hausa tribe.The traditional religious rites were suppressed, and this shift limited the religious variety and freedom that the Hausa people had previously enjoyed (Nmah & Amanambu, 2017).The success of the Fulani Jihad led to the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate, which is a centralized Islamic state led by Usman Dan Fodio (Abar, 2019).The centralization process led to the reduction of the political independence of the Hausa states since they were subjected to the Islamic court system and the rigidity of the old hierarchy laws.
The first fourteen Hausa kingdoms were unified and eventually separated into two different caliphates following the main Jihad war (1804-1810), which was commanded by Usman Dan Fodio.Sokoto served as the capital of the eastern caliphate, which encompassed the states of Yola, Gombe, Kano, Zaria, and Katsina (Nmah & Amanambu, 2017).On the other hand, the western caliphate, which encompassed the regions of Ilorin, Argungun, and Kontagora, was centered in Gwandu.As his brother Abdullah and son Bello assumed leadership of the eastern caliphates of Gwandu and Sokoto, respectively, Usman Dan Fodio emerged as the chief (Sarkin Muslim) of Hausaland.To improve the efficiency of governance, the caliphates of Gwandu and Sokoto were divided into emirates (Idris & Ibrahim, 2017).With the approval of the Emir of Sokoto or Gwandu, depending on which emirate was under discussion, the leader of each emirate was chosen from two or three reigning families.The superiors of the Gwandu and Sokoto emirs held the ultimate authority over them.The ruler met with each of the designated authorities to supervise the emirate's activities (Idris & Ibrahim, 2017).When it came to the removal or consolidation of any of these officers, the Emir's decision was respected without exception.
In pre-colonial Northern Nigeria, traditional religion was organized based on clans.Each temple was governed by an inherited head priest who served as the community's representative.According to the Kano Chronicle, the traditional priests carried out several rites and sacrifices, such as presenting food and animals.They felt that the community could attain and preserve peace and security if they put their all into it (Haour & Rossi, 2010).A cult reflecting a monotheistic belief system based on one deity, Tsumburburai or Randaya, was the heart of the Hausa religion.J.R.W. Haffenden stated that religious law and political law were closely related.For society to stay calm, everyone had to respect the authority figures and the laws (Haour & Rossi, 2010).Harsh punishments for defying social or religious standards resulted in death, crippling illnesses, financial disaster (from poor crops that affected individuals or entire towns), infertility in women, and other dreadful consequences.People see crimes as attacks on the rule of law in general.Death or banishment were frequent penalties for serious offenses combining magic and religion, such as sorcery, witchcraft, sacrilege, and others (Harris, 2016).It is a common misconception that people may be held liable for their actions; in criminal instances, friends, family, and even the offender's assets may be held accountable.This shows that crimes and infractions in Hausaland before colonization were penalized collectively.
In 1907, residents reported having flogged people for theft.As a discretionary punishment, it could take any number or forms (Harris, 2016).According to Christian Lange, one resilient form that continued well into the nineteenth century was known as tashhir, translated alternatively as "making someone public/notorious," ignominious parading," or "public humiliation".Unusually involved and rigorously punitive, tashhir entailed a public ritual composed of several common elements.The legal literature prescribed tashhir as a punishment for the offense of perjury or false testimony, yet offenses ranging from blasphemy to behavior thought to violate orthodoxy or sexual forms were also routinely punished by public humiliation (Yahya, 2018).
An eyewitness account of a man named "Bello Ahmad" who lived in the Hausa suburban area documented the lifestyle, culture, and religion of the people, said the native culture, religion, and ways of life are interwoven with the interpretation of crime punishment.The most common punishment for petty crimes is flogging and amputation.Offenses like blasphemy and rape attracted death penalty; there were instances where public figures (District heads or Emirs) were stripped ofthe political and religious positions they held in the society when they perpetrate a crime or go against the people's will.It was documented by Asadu (2020) that an Emir in the Sokoto caliphate was dethroned and banished from the town due to insubordination.
Umaru Tukur was installed as the 11th emir of Muri in 1966.Twenty years into his reign, he fell out with Yohana Madaki, the then governor of Gongola state.The bickering and resultant running battle led to his removal from office.On August 12, 1986, the governor issued an order removing him as emir and chairman of Muri emirate council.Madaki had claimed the emir was deposed for his wrongdoings and misconduct in his place.He issued another order in September 1986, banishing the dethroned emir to Mubi in the presentday Adamawa.
Crime punishment cut across every fabric of northern society.In school, enforcement of Islamic laws was put in place to serve as deterrence to students found wanton.Male and female classes were divided by barriers; corporal punishment of students is simply out of the question.And should there be any violence occurring, it can quickly be stifled by other adult students present in the scene.
Prisons existed in the Sokoto Caliphate prior to the British invasion, despite the paucity of scholarship on pre-colonial techniques of confinement.However, it is evident from Maishanu and Maishanu (1999) that the prisoners housed in the prisons of the Sokoto Caliphate could be broadly classified into three groups: captured troops, aristocrats serving prison sentences for political or other offenses, and slaves.Most detainees were either executed, made into slaves, traded, or held hostage.Most of the enslaved individuals from all three prisoner categories were household servants.Others were consigned to border castles known as ribats, joined the armed forces, labored on plantations, constructed homes, or worked as weavers of textiles.

Exile; A Means of Influence Control in Colonized Yoruba Royalty
In Yoruba society prior to colonization, it was customary to execute an overthrown ruler known as Oba.From a spiritual perspective, the Oba was regarded as a sacred being.Munoz (1977, p. 33) noted that "his sacred nature prevents him from continuing to live after being removed from power, precisely because that 'nature' is everlasting."There were practical and spiritual factors to take into account.It was believed that eliminating any potential opposition to the newly installed monarch would ensure a tranquil reign through the death of the ousted oba.Maintaining an enthroned Oba in power carried the risk of making him a rebellious and unsatisfied symbol.If he rose to the position of ultimate power in the state, this may jeopardize its security and very existence (Munoz, 1977).If he held a lower position, his village's existence and safety would be in danger.It was commonly known that a king could only have a legitimate heir after his death and that the new ruler's power would not be recognized until the last funeral ceremonies were completed.
During the colonial era, the British stopped the practice because they considered it offensive.The long-standing custom came to an end, although conventional kings still had influence in British politics.The story of Awujale Fidipote, the Ijebu monarch, is remarkable.To avoid being deposed and facing the possibility of execution, he left his hometown in 1883 and sought selfimposed exile in Epe.He tried to seize control of the regency council while he was there, sowing the seeds of discontent among the public and laying the groundwork for his safe return to Epe.He died at Epe in 1885 because of his assassination, which some of his followers' thought was orchestrated by the regency council (Oduwobi, 1995).Yoruba culture extended the usage of the title "Oba" to other high-ranking subordinate rulers in addition to the kingdom's monarch.Before British colonialism, the Ijebu area was home to a single kingdom.The nominal leader was the Awujale, who lived at Ijebu Ode.Several villages formed in Remo, in western Ijebu, in the eighteenth century owing to Yorubaland disturbance (Ajayi 1974).One of the settlements that combined to become the sizable, combined town of Sagamu in 1872 was Ofen (now Ofin).It was governed by the Akarigbo, a prominent member of the Ijebu-Remo monarchy.
The British government seized control of the Ijebu area during the military campaign in 1892 (Aderibigbe 1960;Ayantuga 1965;Smith 1978).In 1894, the British officially declared Ijebu-Remo a protectorate, severing its political ties to the remainder of Ijebu.The southern and lagoon parts of Ijebu, which stretched from Ikorodu to Epe, were acquired by the British during this period.The separated lands were overseen by the Epe District, even though the Ijebu Remo Protectorate was under the jurisdiction of the Ikorodu District.The Ijebu-Ode District oversaw the remainder of Ijebu.After Nigeria's amalgamation, the Ijebu-Remo protectorate zone in the Ikorodu District and the Ijebu-Ode District combined to become the current Ijebu-Ode Division in 1914.The Ijebu Ode Division was renamed as the Ijebu Province in 1921 when it was promoted to the status of province.According to Oduwobi (1995), British political and administrative leaders, including the Resident, District Officer, and Assistant District Officer, worked along with the local government, which was led by the Awujale in their role as Native Authority.
Oyebajo became king in his early twenties in the year 1891 (Epega, 1934;Ellis & Johnson, 1974).The Akarigbo stool was formally acknowledged by the British after Ademuyiwa Haastrup's efforts, which occurred after the British gained control of Ijebu in May 1892 (Oduwobi 1995).Although the Awujale's influence was momentarily reduced, the Lagos government supported the Akarigbo stool's ascent to the position of supreme authority over Ijebu-Remo.Governors Carter (1894) and Mc Callum (1897) underlined the necessity for a cohesive political leader in Remo after realizing the Akarigbo's total control.In August 1894, the British reached an agreement with Akarigbo Oyebajo that acknowledged the Akarigbo as the highest power and established protectorate rule over Ijebu-Remo.According to Oduwobi (1995), Ikorodu and its surroundings were given up to the British Crown by another treaty in the Ijebu-Remo area.In February 1902, the Central Native Council granted admission to the Akarigbo.In 1903, a powerful Elepe from Sagamu was punished for attempting to subvert the Akarigbo's hegemonic authority.
Oyebajo's standing was impacted by the expectation of the new British administration that the Akarigbo king in Ijebu Remo would govern with greater initiative.The improved political standing of the Akarigbo stool in Ijebu Remo had a direct effect on Oyebajo's actions.Decisions were made in the previous administrative structure by a chief and his council of elders.His ability to effectively employ the many variables of influence, such as politics, religion, and the economy, would determine how far he could affect the government's power dynamics in his favor (Oduwobi, 1995).
The young Akarigbo Oyebajo attempted to assert his authority over his chiefs during that time.Still, he encountered growing conflict and discordance among them.Oyebajo's hostility towards his chiefs was evident in his refusal to divide the stipend he got from the Lagos government with them since each felt entitled to a certain amount.Unlike Oyebajo, who saw himself as the de facto ruler deserving of financial reward, the chiefs of Oyebajo's tribe adhered to the antiquated notion of government as a collaborative endeavor with shared financial duties.The intense argument led to a furious argument.Four well-known chiefs were arrested and prosecuted on conspiracy accusations in 1904; nevertheless, Oyebajo ensured their acquittal.The chiefs' resentment of Oyebajo reached a breaking point in 1911 when they filed a lawsuit against the Akarigbo for theft and extortion.Despite his final acquittal, Oyebajo's standing was severely stressed by the trauma of his incarceration.Oyebajo's 1912 stipend was cut due to his tense relationship with District Commissioner H.F. Duncombe, who had ordered his detention.
Two groups were directly created in 1914 because of the conflicts.Oyebajo and his principal supporters led one group, and his senior chiefs led the other.In August 1914, Oyebajo's opponents successfully established charges of conflict of interest and legal issues, leading to accusations of judicial misconduct against him.They said that he had taken payments to sway cases heard by the recently established Native Court.A turning point was reached in 1914 when the Ijebu-Remo protectorate was merged into the Ijebu-Ode Division (Ayantuga, 1965).Oyebajo expressed disappointment upon learning that District Commissioner Duncombe, his former rival, would be taking on a new role supervising the administrative division.After Duncombe verified the charges against Oyebajo in January 1915, the government formally asked for his testimony.While Oyebajo was being removed from office, Duncombe also intended to disgrace him.Chief Awolesi, the Alase, was picked as the successor and got formal consent in March following meetings with Oyebajo's rivals.
Oyebajo had no previous information of his imminent deposition until Awolesi's installation ceremony in May.Oyebajo and three of his followers were arrested for disturbing the peace after they protested his abrupt dethronement and were sentenced to hard labor in jail (Ayantuga 1965).Nevertheless, T.H. Jackson, the publisher and editor of the Lagos Weekly Record, intervened to support Oyebajo and succeeded in getting him released in September.The secret to this accomplishment was relying on Oyebajo's impeccable morals and his decision to retire to his farm, Igbofa.Oyebajo's dismissal from Sagamu was an inevitable outcome.To lessen his ability to sway Sagamu's political achievements, Oyebajo was exiled.

Exile; the Repercussion for Grave Crimes in Igboland
The Igbo is the largest and the oldest indigenous group in Southeast Nigeria; however, given that each culture possesses a distinct social framework and a specific set of customs, it is logical to expect a varied and abundant cultural milieu.The Igbo exile process distinguishes itself from other traditions by providing a compelling perspective on the socio-legal dynamics of the area.The systematic and careful removal of an Igbo culprit was aided by their spiritual and cultural customs rather than being a spontaneous response to wrongdoing (Onyeozili & Ebbe, 2012).Exile was a punishment imposed for the offenses of stealing, adultery, and betraying the trust of one's society.
According to Igbo and Ugwuoke (2013), the initial steps in the procedure often involve convening a gathering of the village assembly or council and establishing the identity of the accused individual.The esteemed elders and members played a significant role in facilitating the establishment of justice and peace within the community.Granting the accused an opportunity to present their case displays their commitment to ensuring a logical and unbiased judgment.
Similar circumstances have been shown in Nollywood films, including Silent Prejudice (2019) and Osu Outcast (2021).However, the primary focus of this study is "Arodan," a Nollywood play directed by Seun Ogungbe in 2023.The film adeptly portrays the intricate and protracted history of exile in Igbo culture while simultaneously portraying this using Nigeria's Western identities.The film depicts the challenges encountered by "Odere" (Omowunmi Ajiboye), a young lady who is banished from the Oke Aare Kingdom by "King Toogun" (Jide Kosoko).
Resulting in her exile, Beyioku (Osunrayi Oluwatoyin) levies a false accusation against Odere, alleging her theft of sacred artifacts from the shrine and her sacrilegiousact offeeding the deity "Esu Laalu" With palm kernel oil.Beyioku does this to sever Odere's romantic relationship with Prince "Akanbi" (Ayo Olaiya) andto facilitate the way for "Romola" (Adunni Ade),who is out to win the Prince's love at all costs.In the village square, Odere is publicly indicted before the entire town, where she is pronounced guilty and then punished with banishment by the king.; "Odere, the daughter of Abike, you are guilty of treason against the kingdom of Oke Aare as charged…this is my judgment, I hereby banish you to Illomoja's forest..." Based on the narrative portrayed in Ogungbe's(2023) "Arodan," the victim/culprit is most likely to undergo a significant disconnection from the social and spiritual bonds of society, both in a physical and symbolic sense.Ceremonial actions and rituals played a crucial role in effectively communicating the seriousness of exile and the process of detaching from others.Their symbolic gestures varied among tribes, although the objective of these ceremonies remained consistent: to purifythe land of any defilement (Emeghara, 2014).The individual is labeled as an adversary of the populace and, most times is prohibited from ever reintegrating into society.Periodically, these rituals were conducted in sacred locations with the aim of fostering a condition of spiritual equilibrium and oneness throughout the community.The Igbo people's belief systems are characterized by the interrelation between social order and spiritual purity, and this ceremonial feature serves as a reflection of that connection.Onyeozili and Ebbe (2012) assert that exile has substantial impacts on individuals and communities with the objective of deterring behaviors that may jeopardize the tranquility of the community alongside its punitive function.The repercussions of social exclusion was experienced by all individuals within the person's close-knit group rather than only affecting the person who was exiled.Due to the interdependence of communities in the Igbo traditional setting, the punishment was more stringent as it affected the entire family (Igbo & Ugwuoke, 2013).The Igbo cultural traditions were built around belief systems that intertwined the spiritual and social dimensions of life; hence, exile had a dual purpose as both a kind of punishment and a religious rite aimed at purifying and restoring individuals to a state of social and spiritual well-being.

Exile; A Penal Culture in Ghanaian Tribes
Exile culture within Ghanaian tribes has been rooted in a complex historical and socio-cultural context.The transatlantic slave trade era influenced social, cultural, and political structures and saw the development of various forms of governance, social norms, and punitive practices, such as banishment, as communities navigated the challenges of external influences (Lovejoy, 2011).Exile practices in Ghana are not a common phenomenon associated with specific tribes in the modern context.However, there have been occasions where certain cultural practices have involved a form of exile or servitude.Teenage girls who become pregnant or women suspected to be witches are banished to penal villages in the northern region of Ghana.Another practice is the "Trokosi" system among the Ewe people in Ghana.It also exists as a form of slavery for girls.The system involves sending young girls to serve in religious shrines to compensate for the crimes of their family members.This practice was common in the olden days.
In a classic Akan society, it is against the laws of the community for a teenage girl who has not been customarily initiated from childhood to adulthood to get pregnant (Oduro-Sarpong, 2003).In such an incident, she is banished with her husband to live in a hut in the bush until the baby is born and proper customary rites are performed (Oduro-Sarpong, 2003).Such practice is in place to make Akan girls pure.Expulsion cases organized by traditional authorities involve individuals being banished from their communities for different reasons, often inconsequential matters, or disobedience against traditional authorities.These practices have been part of communities' cultural and religious frameworks deeply rooted in customary law and societal structure.

Deportation; Post-Slave Trade and Post-Colonial Idea
Deportation became a popular exclusion strategy following the abolition of slavery and the termination of colonial power, also serving as a means of population control (Inda, 2013).An instance of this is the act of forcefully transferring enslaved individuals from the Western regions to settlement colonies, with the intention of maintaining social stability and economic dominance after the transatlantic slave trade.Likewise, upon the attainment of independence by a region, the governing class employed forced removal of individuals to strengthen their control and ensure the continued supremacy of their own population.The objective of employing deportation as a mechanism for population management was to maintain social and economic dominance (Anderson et al., 2011).Following the abolition of the slave trade, several nations engaged in the merciless exclusion of individuals whom they perceived as a danger to the enslaved population, with the intention of suppressing any potential resistance or uprising.Due to the forced transfer and the act of splitting families and communities, deportation results in a considerable degree of mental and emotional anguish (Hagan et al., 2011).Furthermore, deportees often faced discrimination and limited opportunities in their new residences, which further exacerbated their isolation.
'Anchor Baby,' a 2010 Nollywood thriller directed by Lonzo Nzekwe, portrays the harrowing experiences of a pregnant Nigerian couple as they strive to secure a brighter future for their unborn child.They plan to get the infant naturalized as a U.S. citizen, adhering to the principles of Jus Soli.Paul Unanga's (Sam Sarpong) deportation leaves his pregnant wife Joyce (Omoni Oboli) alone to see the implementation of the plan; this leaves her vulnerable to homelessness and medical attention denial even with her pregnancy.She eventually encountered Susan Backley (Terri Oliver), who extended assistance but with a concealed, hidden agenda known solely to her associates.Following the baby's birth, Joyce is apprehended by immigration police during her exaggerated act of surrendering herself.Meanwhile, Susan and her associates take advantage of this situation to escape with the baby.The immigration official completely used his power while they had Joyce in custody by first preventing what appeared to be her voluntary departure and instead putting her through the deportation procedures, which is a consequence of her breach of immigration regulations, thus adding to her trauma of child loss.

Joyce: When is the flight leaving today?
Officer: what flight?Joyce: my flight to Nigeria, sir Officer: who said anything about you flying to Nigeria today?(sighs) No, I don't see your name booked on any flight tonight.OK, this agent here will take you to the holding center, where you will be processed for deportation.

Psychological Impacts of Exclusion Practices (Deportation and Exiles)
Exile, as seen through the lens of history and cinematic dramas, was a punishment that was not dissimilar to the death penalty or even somewhat less severe.This is because, in most traditional African contexts, victims and culprits whose blood was believed to be more polluting to the land were sent to wild animal abodes, sometimes referred to as "evil forests," and to areas inhabited by carnivorous humans and dangerous omnivorous creatures that preyed on human flesh.In this case, it is more probable to observe exile from a point somewhat below that of death, and this is demonstrated in King Toogun'sstatement in Ogungbe's (2023) Nollywood drama, 'Arodan'.
"…they are supposed to tie a huge stone around your neck and throw you in the river, but there were so many pleas on your behalf.Despite all this, we cannot allow you to go freely without being punished for this kind of offense.If not for anything, so that anybody thinking of a similar action will know that every action has its own consequences and punishments.This is my judgment; I hereby banish you to Illomoja's forest.Don't you ever stepyour foot into this kingdom?I have spoken." In contrast to exile being just a little leniency lower than the death sentence, deportation is nowhere near death sentence.All forms of exclusion, however, have some commonalities when it comes to imposing a ban on re-entry, whether temporary or permanent.The conditions that led to the deportation and the immigration policies of the receiving country are two of many factors that determine whether a deportee can be admitted back into that country or not (Wheatley, 2011).In other words, significant ramifications for future immigration and travel opportunities are often associated with deportation.
Despite occurring in different contexts and at different times, the psychological impacts of exile and deportation are quite similar.A profound feeling of hardship is experienced by those whose lives are affected by deportation or exile.In both cases, people are uprooted from their homes and communities (Ojeda et al., 2020), sometimes with little warning and little preparation, and other times with more.Such a life-altering event may cause a profound feeling of hardship, uncertainty, and loss (Hagan et al., 2011).Whether we are talking about the historical effects of exile or the psychological effects of being forcibly deported from one's home, the experience of exclusion practices affects people everywhere.
In a Legal analysis by AK Poku (an Immigration Lawyer in the United States), blogged on December 2 nd , 2023, about a medical doctor in the US who moved from being a citizen to becoming an undocumented immigrant threatened with deportation to Iran (his parents native country) by the American government after 61 years of citizenship in the USA shows a clear situation where one who has spent a great deal of life in a place may be deported to a new location where he may not have spent such a long equal time.Owing to factors like stress and loss, these occurrences can produce a variety of mental health issues that can severely impact the victim's psyche.
Additionally, these pursuits help bring about a certain kind of solitude.The intentional exclusion or rejection of an individual from a social group or community is what "ostracism" means, according to Williams (1997).Deported people sometimes face more social stigma and marginalization in their new communities because of the host community's prejudice and intolerance.Similarly, ancient exiles often felt loneliness, isolation, and the need to rely on their own resources for survival due to the lack of social ties they had.The psychological consequences of social exclusion include emotions such as loneliness, isolation, and diminished self-esteem (Wesselmann et al., 2012).Experiencing deportation or exile sometimes leads to the deprivation of one's legitimate position in society.Everyone has the inherent right to participate in group activities, communicate with others, and be a part of a larger human community.Both exclusion strategies cause people to feel alienated and alone as they violate their basic human right to remain in their homes and communities.Whether it is the denial of citizenship/residency rights/privilege in the case of deportation or the loss of social standing and belonging in the case of exile, the denial of the right to human community is a common thread in these exclusionary practices (Kesby, 2012).
These exclusionary practices serve as a means for political and traditional authorities to exercise their biopower over their subjects.By controlling and manipulating the movement and inclusion/exclusion of individuals, authorities assert their dominance and control, and this aligns with the ideological conception of biopower by Micheal Foucault.Whether it is the state exercising its power to regulate immigration and maintain social order or traditional authorities asserting their authority over their communities, deportation, and exile are tools through which power is exerted.

CONCLUSION
The study argues that eroding African chieftains' exile culture had previously exploited the concept of "biopower," as used by Michael Foucault in his late 1970s lectures at the College de France.The historic power structures of these chieftains also included the use of death as a control mechanism.With Foucault's thesis clearly identifying biopower, modern nationstates also use this method to control their whole population, not just individuals.
Deportation and exile are tools of political biopower that have been used by appointed or elected officials and delegates in the past and present for the demonstration of their political powers.These actions, according to Michael Foucault, are biopower strategies for population control, and they are fundamentally exclusive.In these pursuits, the consolidation of control by traditional and governmental authorities over individuals is crucial, particularly regarding their vital resources and social acceptance.Efficient policy communication is crucial for tackling the utilization of this biopower and mitigating racial or national bias, particularly in deportation operations.The false portrayal and misuse of biopower measures, such as talent culling and population control, can have significant psychological consequences for those who are affected.When people perceive deportation as motivated by hate against a nation or ethnic community, it results in injustice, a dearth of impartiality, and exclusion.Severe psychological and emotional anguish can present itself in symptoms such as anger, fear, and isolation.
Authorities must prioritize excellent communication and take proactive steps to minimize the negative consequences.Providing immigrants with assurance that deportation decisions are grounded in valid reasons, such as public or national security, is crucial.This may be achieved by properly articulating the reasoning behind these orders.Officials can alleviate the emotional distress of individuals impacted by providing them with a comprehensive explanation of the decision and guiding them toward the relevant channels for obtaining redress, if necessary.The core principle of any suggested policy should prioritize the idea that deportation decisions are made impartially, without any consideration of national or racial prejudice.
Promoting and overseeing well-performed procedures helps spread principles such as fairness, equality, and adherence to human rights.Authorities may demonstrate their dedication to supporting justice and equality by actively implementing measures to identify and eradicate bias.Deportation and exile share many similarities.However, government representatives need to be very clear that deportation is a tool used to safeguard the nation and its citizens, not a kind of capital punishment.Indeed, this may lessen immigrants' anxiety about being deported and help them feel more comfortable adhering to immigration laws.